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11.
中国进入近代以来,在国内外等因素的共同影响下,传统、现代与革命这三者即开始了相互间的斗争、纠结及融合,此种现象贯穿了整个中国近现代历史的发展。数千年来,中国传统的农业生产力形态在自身演变的过程中,凭靠内部力量始终未实现质的突破,即没有实现向现代生产力形态———工业生产力的转化和过渡。晋冀鲁豫抗日根据地创建后,中国共产党开始用革命的手段对乡村旧村政权进行现代性的初步改造,尽管囿于当时具体的战争环境,这种改造进行得并不彻底,但这种对旧政权的权力结构和形式的革命性的现代化改造,还是在一定程度上解放了生产力,推动了社会生产的发展。从该意义上讲,旧村政权的初步改造工作开启了根据地乡村地区的现代化之路。  相似文献   
12.
In 1413 at the death of his wife Guillemot, Jean Aubert, a group of witnesses and a clerk of the local mayoralty met to value the possessions of their residence, resulting in an inventory full of notes and values on rooms and their objects. Within the existing historiography of the Burgundian Netherlands and its northern European neighbours, inventories and their objects tend to be analysed from two perspectives: the Burgundian court and the ‘consumer revolution’. Applying insights from Erving Goffman and Bruno Latour, this article suggests a third perspective should have priority: the urban ‘theatre’ within which objects were documented and placed. Therefore it sets up an alternate methodology which begins with the inventory to build a picture of the theatre (the urban context and residence), the actors (the Aubert family) and the audience (the witnesses of the inventory) to establish new insights into the operation of Burgundian power and the dynamics of the ‘consumer revolution’.  相似文献   
13.
红色革命旧址建筑完整的将那段红色峥嵘岁月呈现于世人眼前,同时也是我们回顾红色革命精神与历史的重要载体。本文以冀南地区红色革命旧址建筑为研究对象,通过实地考察与资料收集两种手段,对其历史背景与现状有了初步认识。将冀南地区红色革命旧址建筑根据当时行政功能划分为四类:党政机构、军事机构、后勤保障机构、宣传教育机构。并对其现有建筑特点进行了初步讨论,为下步探讨其保护与活化打下良好基础。  相似文献   
14.
《村歌》是孙犁根据1947—1948年下乡参加土改工作的经验创作而成的中篇小说。本文通过对《村歌》的文本分析指出,在新的历史情势下,孙犁试图借助小说这一文学体裁,记录、反映并想象和建构革命的现实与远景。区别于同一时期大部分的土改小说,孙犁在《村歌》中并未着力呈现政策对现实的引导或两者之间的频繁互动,张岗村的土改运动主要被叙述为政策引导下村庄内生的革命潜能的引爆,土改中遇到的阻碍大多通过村庄中人半自发的组织、互助和话语创新得到解决。这一构造内含着孙犁对革命路径的想象,即革命不仅意味着对村庄的颠覆和改造,更存在着从乡村传统和日常人伦中生发出来的可能。但同时,在小说中,激荡的革命情绪最终仍然被回收为双眉个人情感的高扬,却也症候式地呈现了这一革命想象与现实的龃龉,和在新的历史情势下不得不面对的难题。  相似文献   
15.
This article aims to stimulate discussion about relationships between the lives of professionals and of service users. The idea is that when parallels are explored and developed, power dynamics between professionals and social workers are reduced, the quality of interaction and work with service users can be improved, and professionals can also be helped in overcoming difficulties in their own lives. I start with an outline of my own personal background and highlight my development throughout, including my emerging identity as a Buddhist. I discuss a case study involving ‘Sally’ and her family and our work together while I was a social work assistant in a Children and Family's team. I try to show the interconnections between the different difficulties that we faced and how that informed my work. I look at some of the benefits, pitfalls and boundaries of working from the point of view that service user and professional are both working to overcome their problems. I also interweave interactions I had at the time with Carlos, a drug user friend in a crisis and the impact he had on me. Because I include my own situation I have called this article a ‘case experience’.

Throughout I refer to Buddhist and psychoanalytic thinking and particularly to agreement between the two around ideas that inner‐resistance is the main barrier to personal evolution. I argue that faith is the key to unlocking resistance, and that faith should be understood as the development of a belief within people that they are able to progress rather than be destroyed in the face of inevitable problems.  相似文献   
16.
毛泽东的统一战线思想发生、发展、成熟于中国革命的过程中。毛泽东在长期领导中国革命的历史过程中对统一战线作了一系列具有独创性的论述,并且呈现了若干特点。这些特点主要是:战略上的预见性,策略上的灵活性,精髓上的继承性以及表述上的细致性。  相似文献   
17.
现阶段"现代化进程强大的客观需求"和"知识技术体系的内在矛盾"正孕育着新一轮科技革命,世界正处在第六次科技革命的前夜。200多年的工业化进程催生出一系列问题。经济发展的客观需求迫切需要开发新的资源能源,创新发展模式和发展途径,创建新的生产方式和生活方式。"基础科学领域""能源和资源域""信息网络领域""先进材料和制造领域""农业领域""人口健康领域"这六个方面孕育着重大的创新突破。科学问题的重大突破和技术的变革将深刻影响人类的生产和生活方式,影响社会发展的进程,影响国家的国际竞争地位。把握新一轮科技革命的战略机遇,将大幅提升我国自主创新与规模产业化的能力。  相似文献   
18.
In 1917 the Cheliabinsk Vicariate, like the Church in most areas in the Russian empire, declined to support the autocracy, welcomed the February Revolution, endorsed the Provisional Government, and envisioned a broad set of reforms that even included a greater role for the laity in Church governance. The key agent for reform in Cheliabinsk – as in other dioceses – was the Assembly of Clergy and Laity, the focus of this study. Although the Assembly did adopt a radical and ostensibly popular social and administrative program, the vicariate encountered growing lay disenchantment – because of its support for an unpopular war, because of a caveat deferring social reform, but also because of the Church’s reluctance to give parishioners full power over the parish. The intensifying crises of 1917 heightened expectations for reform, and the disintegration of authority in Cheliabinsk and within the Church itself widened the chasm between the Church and parishioners. In response, diocesan authorities supported conservative measures, which deferred reform, in an attempt to re-establish order, while parishioners – frustrated by the pace of reform and the Church’s wavering support of it – led a revolution against diocesan authority aimed at making the Church subservient to their own agendas.  相似文献   
19.
Portugal and Spain underwent dramatic transformations between 1974 and the early 1980s, transitioning from dictatorships to democracies. In this article I explore why Portugal was faster than Spain in adopting key gender-rights policies (e.g., divorce, equal pay, state feminism) during the period in question. Bridging insights from the democratization, social movement, and women’s studies literatures, I argue that Portugal’s accelerated policy path on women’s rights can be explained by three complex factors: (1) the nature of the revolutionary transition, which structured options for women’s movements and for institutional actors; (2) the configuration of movement-party alliances; and (3) supranational pressures to reorganize the state-civil society relationship. The study contributes to the engendering of democratization processes in Iberia by paying close attention to the interconnected agency of women’s movements with other political actors at a time of regime transformation.  相似文献   
20.
What were the sources of solidarity that bound anti-government protesters in Tahrir Square? This article complicates Judith Butler’s claim that this solidarity originated in shared vulnerability to police violence and the practices of mutual care that were necessary to sustain bodies in the square. I draw on existing scholarship that suggests that passive knowledge of this shared vulnerability was already present among Egyptians, especially those working in the informal economy and living more of their lives – eating, chatting, praying, selling, etc. – on the streets of Egypt’s cities and thereby drawn into increasing contact with state police forces. Given that aggressive policing and intimidation had generated a sense of passive solidarity among Egyptians, I ask how this solidarity was transformed into animated opposition to the regime. My answer is that the Islamic congregational prayers as well as the Sunday Masses held during the revolution were spectacles of interfaith cooperation that inspired courage and trust across sectarian and religious/secular communities. These prayers were rational rituals that generated trust among diverse Egyptians that Mubarak had sown suspicion among and played against one another to stay in power. These were embodied rituals that lent moral support to more the mundane aspects of occupying Tahrir Square, which was symbolically and strategically important in bringing down the regime.  相似文献   
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